Social Media Agenda Setting in India by BJP and Hindutva: Disintegration of India

Any country of the world is strength from the diversity of its people by converting it into coherent nation. Indian governments do not believe in coherent nation but it disintegrated India by expelling or killing the Muslim. Indian media is playing significant role in poising the hearts and minds of the Indian masses against Indian minorities. Media is strictly obeying the instructions of the ruling elites by dispersing news which falls only in BJP’s court. BJP and RSS leader Rajeshwar Singh has, in an example of intimidation and hate speech said that Muslims and Christians will be wiped out of India by December 31, 2021. 
The purpose of this research is to find out that would the agenda setting by BJP government and Indian media lead to disintegrate India by overshadowing the prevalent scenario of India. The type of methodology that is used here is content analysis. It includes the data on how the study is conducted. The available secondary data has been collected on both the variables of the topic. Agenda setting theory is selected for this research is to prove the research question. Moreover, the purpose of this theory is to analyze the content of the research.  
Policy makers and other practitioners are of the view that the continued restlessness in South Asia started immediately after BJP coming into rule. BJP government was following the sway of RSS. BJP can be called the political brand name of RSS. There is a noticeable escalation in RSS development and supremacy of Hindutva dogma in domestic, foreign, and security policies of India. RSS is ensuing ostentatious strategy of greater India with the institution of Hindu domination in India and Hindustan’s (India’s) supremacy in South Asia. Pragmatic substantiation advises that a well-choreographed consumption of collective ferocity and Pakistan-bashing have been hired by BJP for the realization of its objectives. BJP’s repealing of Articles 370 and 35-A to effectively engross Indian Occupied Kashmir and enactment of Citizen Amendment Act are the utmost demonstration of RSS long-term design. 
The violence of innocent Kashmiris is not something new, it dated back since 1947 and the violence goes on.  However, it was increased from the 2008 mass-agitation in the valley.  After 2008, the people of Kashmiris are under physical and psychological torture. 
The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) issued an India centric propaganda material called Voice of Hind in the early 2020. This document studies the major issue of the publication, which amenably recruits Indian Muslims by manipulating their fears and grievances that have aroused in the stir of convinced political developments in the country. 
Majoritarian violence against Indian Muslims is not only a different stream of ideological extremist violence in itself, but also alienates a community from the rest of society, and has the power to radicalize the youth towards terrorism or extremism, thereby exacerbating the threat of jihadi violence in the country.
The trend towards Ghar Wapsi reconversions and the cultural as well as political implications of this tendency cannot be understood independent of the current political clime of the country and its traditional stance with regard to the interface between religion and politics.
Indian BJP government which came into power in 2014 headed by Hindutva icon Narendra Modi with a campaign slogan: ‘Toilets first, temples second.’ Illustration on Gandhi’s philosophy and legacy some 150 years after his birth, Swachh Bharat or Clean India is a monumental project with sweeping programs, propaganda, and political agendas. Gandhi famously said that ‘sanitation is more important than independence’ and Modi has leveraged that sentiment to fuel everything from urban renewal and heritage gentrification to outsourcing controversial corporate-funded infrastructures within World Heritage properties. India’s vast archaeological and historic legacy is now being marketed, tendered, auctioned, and ‘adopted’ by corporations within a neoliberal strategy that leverages the past for the future. And while it is easy to cynically caricature these moves, it is more difficult to offer pragmatic alternatives for a nation of 1.3 billion people, millions of whom are without basic services like water and sanitation.
It is evident that this “homecoming” then becomes a multi-layered process; one that sees the transformation of the citizen-body from a subject into an object of the law, the shift of focus from individual to community as primary actor, and the evolution of ‘conversion’ from a momentary shift of identity to a long drawn out process of change. When these processes and spaces of grey are facilitated by those in power, it would seem, is when religious conversion can be described in the language of “Homecoming”. Either loved or loathed, VS Naipaul wrote in his musings on Gandhi, the imputed father of the cleanliness campaign, that toilets must be reconsidered in the broader context of colonialism and civilization: ‘Sanitation was linked to caste, caste to callousness and inefficiency and a hopelessly divided country, division to weakness, weakness to foreign rule’. But an unclean public domain still persists, Rodrigues contends, precisely because of the inadequate response to that untouchability, to caste prejudice, discrimination, and indignity. Indeed, by denouncing public filth, Gandhi was also denouncing ‘the structures and social relations that reproduced filth’. Today the BJP has effectively appropriated Gandhi’s nationalist, anticolonial emancipatory rhetoric for its own brand of governmentality. Gandhi, Clean India, and heritage have all been leveraged in a recombinant civic adoption campaign to liberalise the past.
Another point of contention is that the nexus of ‘temples and toilets’ programing is not intended to address the basic needs of ordinary people but rather those of fee-paying tourists and to promote a burgeoning, branded international industry.