What is really happening in Poland?
About the polarization of Polish political scene and consolidation of power.
Among the many goals and aspirations of Polish national solidarist movement, sometimes called "phalangism", we can distinguish the two most important, interrelated. These are the annihilation of the demoliberal plutocracy, which, within the institutionalized sejmocratic chaos, divides the Nation into opposing party cartels played against each other by international bankers and external forces. The second goal is the liberation of Poland and Europe from the influence of the geopolitical dominance of the United States, the messianic superpower that, besides the brutal, merciless struggle for securing its own interests, also used to lead an ideological crusade for a liberal democracy whose triumph was to "end the History".
"Empire" versus "papacy"
From our perspective, the realization of both of these negative goals was seen as a long process that is unlikely to end in our lives. History, however, has unexpectedly accelerated: over the Atlantic Ocean there is ongoing struggle between the crusaders of the world's plutocracy, and the president of the Empire, who perceives core US interests and large-scale industrial spheres as of higher importance than the crusade itself and its quasi-religious values. As the "emperor" of the bloody empire still did not quite kneel before the "papacy" of demoliberalism, ideological jackets have been loosened in the dominium of America. He also accelerated the process of unprecedented consolidation of power over the Vistula in the history of the Third Polish Republic. It is not true that President Trump's last visit to Warsaw had no real significance. Indeed, in the sphere of what was said, it was merely a presentation of the interests of the American clique in the arms and raw materials industry. The most important, however, is what has not been said: the criticism of the government camp for striking the institutions of liberal democracy in Poland, which was not spared by President Obama at all. This time it was different - the delight of todays, "worthy of its history" Poland, was over the top. Not a word about the Constitutional Court, the tears of worried liberals, or "endangered values of the West". In other words, the visit of the US President has become de facto a silent agreement to further dismantle liberal democracy in Poland.
Contrary to these expectations, US State Department has expressed it’s “deep concern” relating to judiciary reform in Poland, so Washington wasn’t Polish ally on this matter.
Although this American reaction might be an effect of internal struggle which takes place in United States, the signal was sufficient to partly stop the reform, so President Duda vetoed two of the three bills prepared by government and claims that he will use his legislative initiative to carry out the reform “correctly”, which probably means “less radical”. The unity of the ruling establishment in Poland is now questioned and it can be considered as a small victory of the liberal camp.
Symptoms of disassembly of the demoliberal system by the Government of Law and Justice have already occurred in the past, but in this context, it is not surprising that at night from 14 to 15 July at 2:30AM, which is just over a week after Trump's visit to Poland, the camp of power has taken another step - the Senate adopted new laws on changes in the National Council of Judiciary and the system of common courts. Earlier, both laws passed the Sejm - it was supposed to do so before Trump's visit, but at the last moment the vote was prevented from being removed from the agenda pending the results of a world hegemony visit. However, the results proved to be appropriate, so another step forward was taken boldly. If President Duda would sing the law, the current National Judicial Council wuld be dissolved before the end of the term of office (normally it would take another 4 years), and the choice of 15 new judges to the KRS would be decided not by the jury, but parlamental majority - current ruling power. Are we dealing with an attempt to "murder the democracy," as one of the leaders of the opposition expressed? In my opinion, it’s not the essence of “democracy” that has been violated, but liberal-democratic "checks and balances" that hinder the concentration of political power. According to the constitution, KRS stands for "independence of the courts", as well as, among others, decides on the judges' nominations. On the other hand, the law on common courts authorizes the Minister of Justice to direct the appointment of presidents and vice-presidents of appellate courts and to fill all of the posts in the district courts. It seems that similar changes could also include the composition of the Supreme Court, which in the Polish system decides, among others, about the validity of the elections to the Sejm, the Senate and the presidential election.
Polish former Prime Minister Leszek Miller has recently stated: “This is certainly not a dictatorship, but it is no longer a liberal democracy”. Since democracy in Poland has been deprived of the adjective "liberal", as right-to-left opposition politicians and some Western press are saying, what is the current state of affairs? For liberals, "non-liberal democracy" means "soft authoritarianism", "hybrid regimes", "semidemocracy". It is a system where there are democratic procedures, but their influence on real policy and political decision is small or systematically decreasing. Political pluralism is part of the ruling party, and the opposition is pushed beyond the margin of political life. Examples of such countries are, according to the authors of this definition, Orbans' Hungary, Putins' Russia, and recently Kaczyńskis' Poland, which is an interesting fact that the Polish "chief" does not formally hold any state function. It can be said that the Polish model of non-liberal democracy is in some aspects close to the Sanation model of the Second Polish Republic. Especially in terms of a real political hierarchy that does not correspond to this formal one, as well as applying legal precedents and subordinating control institutions. Like the Sanation regime, the present power camp affirms the idea of a strong state while creating non-state structures of power and does not detract from the nationalist rhetoric that has historically been borrowed from national-democratic and even national-radical organizations in the "golden period" of the National Unity Camp.
Historical comparisons, depending on the audience, can help or hurt the present power, and, because of their very essence, they do not fully describe the new reality. Within the axiology of national solidarity, the concentration of political power by the government camp should be appreciated, because in this particular perspective there is nothing worse than the institutionalized chaos of the sejmocracy, the decisionlessness and the weakening of political will by the artificial barriers imposed by liberal ideology. If Law and Justice strengthens its power so much that any political decision will fall within its establisment, and not in negotiations with the liberal camp, it will force the extension of the ideological and political base within the power camp itself. As liberals have been recognized by government propaganda as "total opposition", which in itself pleases, one can hope at the same time that internal pluralisation of the new system will be conducive to national solidarity. The first symptom of openness to new perspectives, including the motives of our actively supported friends from Kresowian movements, may be the abandonment of some of the neoconservative dogmas of Eastern policy, eg towards neo-colonial Ukraine, which we have already paid attention to recently .
Law and Justice, although highly popular, have not produced any mass organization, and its staff is very limited, which on the one hand is a challenge for the rulers, and on the other a chance for the environments, which in a democratic, plutocratic spectacle would never influence political decisions of the government.
Ultimately, the political system should be based on a common social organization in the spirit of unity and duty, and therefore on the basis of political platonism. The present state of the Third Polish Republic is only a good transitional system between liberal Poland and national-solidarist Poland. From excessive optimism effectively protects us Poland's continuing dependence on Washington. This does not change the fact that the consolidation of power currently taking place in Poland is unprecedented in history and is a chance, as it results in the dismantling of hated plutocracy and out of controlled chaos. Therefore, due to the order of elimination, it should be supported and, if necessary, defended.