The White House in a global stalemate
As the successor to the Obama administration and other US presidents, Biden’s team is aware that previous US administrations have failed to recognize the Middle East and China as an emerging power, even with costly wars in the Middle East and economic influence in China. By injecting large investments into society and its open doors, they failed to create allied groups or wealthy Western-affiliated groups in the region and China to protect the interests of the United States and its allies.
Faced with the Corona and the US recession, Biden could not easily offer a better plan than the former US presidents because of the cost of serious conflicts in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan and serious economic rivalry with China, except political realities. In the case of China, Russia, Europe and Iran, accept and act accordingly.
Another problem is the new US administration in Europe, which distanced itself from the US under Trump and did not even accept Almaty Chancellor Merkel's invitation to Trump for the G7 summit in the US. The European Union, led by France and Germany under Trump, has shown a willingness to pursue more independent policies than Washington in recent years, and has not hesitated to trade with China and has recently reached an important trade agreement.
The difference between Biden and former US presidents is that he has government experience in domestic and foreign policy and tries to put aside everything that Trump did during his tenure in the first place. The repeal of the orders only brings the United States into international treaties, adds to White House commitments and becomes a major part of the government's work, but addresses the US military presence in the Middle East and strained US relations with China, prioritizes Russia, Iran, as well as the European Union and NATO.
It remains to be seen whether Biden's new strategy to contain China, Russia and Iran, is still fueling political conflicts and creating false polarities in those countries with the aim of creating internal discontent. The previous US administrations tried to create a dichotomy between the people of these countries by simultaneously polarizing the East and the West, forcing them to choose between the two options to involve the political system in the differences between the nation and the government. The problem was that in the work itself, the pro-Westernization of China or Russia was meaningless to the United States; While Russia and China have looked to the West for economic and cultural development, Washington has still been skeptical and indifferent to the two countries' Westernization over the past decades.
Of course, China has a Western view of trade with a Chinese traditionalist interpretation. The character of the Chinese is to listen to the other side, and finally to deal with cotton with a mischievous oriental mischief, and Beijing has been pursuing the same policy with the United States and its allies for years.
Unlike the United States, China's understanding of power, development, and hegemony, or defeat and victory, is fundamentally different from the United States and Europe's understanding of these components. The Chinese have made their mark on themselves and the world since the early 1970s. They prioritized poverty alleviation and development, leaving the emergence of superpowers in the form of cooperation with the countries of the world to them and a secure future. Thus, China's foreign relations and trade environment, unlike the United States, which is political and security, is economic and trade, and Beijing has been successful in this.
In the process of macro-strategies of East-West economic development, China has reached the end of the western and eastern borders of the world, which has greatly hurt Washington and for several years has forced the United States to adopt countermeasures in the areas of human rights, economy and geopolitics to line up costly Chinese influence that has so far been ineffective.
The problem for the United States and Europe in understanding and analyzing Beijing's behavior is that they examine China on the basis of their universal understanding of political phenomena. The same cognitive error in China's analysis has led to the confusion of the United States and Europe in understanding Beijing's political and economic behavior at home and abroad.
The United States and its allies have already challenged China without sufficient knowledge of its political and popular structure, such as the rising wages of its manufacturing complexes, which were supposed to ignite the first sparks of social unrest in China. They expected that rising wages or the closure of commercial and industrial units in China would lead to internal unrest and strikes. But surprisingly, because they did not know the cultural characteristics of China, nothing happened even after they left China and the workers were fired.
So when it comes to China's power and rivalry with the United States and the possibility of China's superpower in the future, it becomes impossible to understand much of China's behavior, and it surprises the United States and its allies that so much economic and social freedom in China and this How can all the applause and Hollywood harassment of the young Chinese within the rigid political system not lead to rebellion and crisis, and the West even fail to advance the revolution in Hong Kong, the western half and the Chinese half?
The Chinese trick is that they do not define foreign trade ideologically or politically, they act like Switzerland. Wherever there is money or trade, they are present, and while White House governments have focused on waging war and sanctions, the Chinese have focused on economic activity. They have learned from history not to enter the path of tension and conflict, as well as war that harms public welfare and trust, unlike the United States. This logic of China in foreign trade has been imposed on Europe and the United States and even Arab countries. In recent years, wherever the United States went to war and wreaked havoc, the Chinese immediately entered and began their trade. Even with a joint veto with Russia, they confirmed the continuation of crises created by the United States through war or political pressure, has increased the material and human costs of the United States more than expected.
The Chinese were ahead of the United States in the Middle East wars at great cost to the United States, and could achieve their main goal of becoming the world's first economic power by 2027. Meanwhile, the United States is standing shoulder to shoulder on the issue of Taiwan, Xinjiang and the South China Sea.
The Chinese are well aware that if the factors of power in the world are human capital and wealth, China has more than any other country in the world. China had more than 800,000 students in the United States, Australia and Europe during 2019-2018. Therefore, the view of Chinese leaders on the Western intellectual and educational system is not anti-American or anti-Western, and in this view, there are no two orientations, oriental and western. This is the secret of China's success in economic and social development.
Statistics show that China increased its foreign exchange reserves by $ 108.6 billion to $ 3.220 billion in 2020, surpassing the United States as the largest recipient of foreign direct investment and investing $ 163 billion. Attracted foreigners.
So, the Biden administration's continued challenge to China for the White House is a big bite to the throat. At the same time, China's response to Trump's post-Biden trade war is not necessarily what is expected of a conventional international actor. Beijing relies on its national resources and strategic patience to challenge or confront the United States and its European allies economically or even militarily.